Showing posts with label gang. Show all posts
Showing posts with label gang. Show all posts

Friday, April 30, 2010

A Mini-History of Police Officer Gang Experts -- Courtesy of the Second Circuit

United States v. Meija, 545 F.3d 179, 189-190 (2d Cir. 2008):

In the 1980s, a new type of “skilled witness” began emerging: the law enforcement officer. In criminal cases, the Government began calling law enforcement officers to testify as experts on what we referred to as “the nature and structure of organized crime families.” United States v. Daly, 842 F.2d 1380, 1388 (2d Cir.1988). This Court first reviewed a challenge to the use of such an expert in United States v. Ardito, 782 F.2d 358 (2d Cir.1986). The Government had called an FBI agent to testify as an expert about terms such as “captain,” “capo,” “regime,” and “crew.” Id. at 363. We upheld the admission of that expert testimony because it “aided the jury in its understanding of” recorded conversations between the two defendants. Id. Furthermore, we noted, the district court had reminded the jury that the defendants there had not been charged with any conduct relating to organized crime. Id.

One year later, we upheld the admission of expert testimony by a law enforcement officer on the related matter of the meaning of messages written in code. United States v. Levasseur, 816 F.2d 37, 45 (2d Cir.1987). Upholding such testimony was consistent with pre- Ardito cases where we and other Circuits had allowed law enforcement officers to testify as experts about the meaning of jargon relating to narcotics trafficking. E.g., United States v. Borrone-Iglar, 468 F.2d 419, 421 (2d Cir.1972) (upholding a law enforcement officer's testimony “concerning the narcotics vernacular used in [recorded] telephone conversations”); see also United States v. Theodoropoulos, 866 F.2d 587, 590-91 (3d Cir.1989) (describing testimony “concerning the meaning of ... coded conversations” as “the paradigm situation for expert testimony under Rule 702”) (overruled on other grounds).

In subsequent years, we have encountered novel uses of these “officer experts” and approved of their testifying on a broader range of issues. For example, in United States v. Daly, 842 F.2d 1380 (2d Cir.1988), where the defendants were charged with “various crimes arising out of activities of the Gambino crime family,” we upheld the expert testimony of an FBI agent who “identified the five organized crime families that operate in the New York area” and “described their requirements for membership, their rules of conduct and code of silence, and the meaning of certain jargon.” Id. at 1383, 1388. After the Government had played surveillance tapes for the jury, the agent interpreted the jargon the speakers had used. Id. at 1384. This Court upheld the district court's decision to admit the agent's testimony, finding that the agent had testified about “much that was outside the expectable realm of knowledge of the average juror.” Id. at 1388. The district court's judgment that the agent's testimony would be helpful to the juror “was not unreasonable.” Id. Finally, the agent had not testified about the defendants or any of the charged offenses. Id. The only offense element to which the agent had testified “was the existence of a RICO enterprise, as he gave his understanding of the existence of organized crime and the Gambino family.” Id.

Since Daly, we have repeatedly upheld the admission of similar testimony. See, e.g., United States v. Locascio, 6 F.3d 924, 936 (2d Cir.1993) (upholding an FBI agent's expert testimony about the internal operating rules of organized crime families, the meaning of recorded conversations, and the identification of members of the Gambino crime family); United States v. Feliciano, 223 F.3d 102, 109 (2d Cir.2000) (upholding an FBI agent's expert testimony about “the structure, leadership, practices, terminology, and operations of [a street gang, Los Solidos]”); United States v. Matera, 489 F.3d 115, 121 (2d Cir.2007) (upholding the admission of an officer's expert testimony “about the composition and structure of New York organized crime families” and observing that the district court had limited the expert's testimony to general information rather than information about the defendants themselves). Our decision to permit such expert testimony reflects our understanding that, just as an anthropologist might be equipped by education and fieldwork to testify to the cultural mores of a particular social group, see Dang Vang v. Toyed, 944 F.2d 476, 481-82 (9th Cir.1991) (upholding the district court's admission of expert testimony on Hmong culture), law enforcement officers may be equipped by experience and training to speak to the operation, symbols, jargon, and internal structure of criminal organizations. Officers interact with members of the organization, study its operations, and exchange information with other officers. As a result, they are able to break through the group's antipathy toward outsiders and gain valuable knowledge about its parochial practices and insular lexicon. Allowing law enforcement officers to act as experts in cases involving these oft-impenetrable criminal organizations thus responds to the same concerns that animated the enactment of the criminal laws that such organizations (and their members) are typically charged with violating, such as the Racketeer Influenced and Corrupt Organizations Act, 18 U.S.C. §§ 1961-68, and the more recent Violent Crimes in Aid of Racketeering Act, id. § 1959. See Organized Crime Control Act of 1970, Pub.L. 91-452 pmbl., 84 Stat. 922, 923 (1970) (“[O]rganized crime continues to grow because of defects in the evidence-gathering process of the law inhibiting the development of the legally admissible evidence necessary to bring criminal ... sanctions ... to bear on the unlawful activities of those engaged in organized crime....”).

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The dynamic evidence page

It's here: the law of evidence on Spindle Law. See also this post and this post.

The Limits of Gang Expert Testimony

In State v. McDaniel, --- P.3d ----, 2010 WL 1694522 (Wash.App. 2010), a certain Miller -- a Tacoma police department detective -- listened to over 70 hours of tapes of telephone conversations that alluded to various nefarious plans and activities. One the actors mentioned in the conversation was "Tony Guns." The trial court in one of the two cases consolidated for appeal allowed Miller to testify as a gang expert. Miller testified that "Tony Guns" was in fact the defendant in the case (whose real name was not Tony Guns, but McDaniel). Miller's opinion (he testified) was based in part on the 70+ hours of tapes of telephone conversations he listened to and in part on interviews Miller conducted with various people during his investigation. The issue of the basis of this gang expert's testimony about the defendant's nickname came up on appeal as a Confrontation Clause issue. Washington State's Court of Appeals (division 2) wrote:
Miller's testimony about McDaniel's nickname underscores the tension between the designation of an expert under ER 702, allowing the expert to testify to opinions and inferences, and the protections of the confrontation clause. In ruling that Miller had personal knowledge of McDaniel's nickname, the trial court apparently understood Miller's testimony to fall within the ambit of ER 705-that is, expert testimony regarding inferences made in reliance on information learned during an investigation.

¶ 30 The Second Circuit recently addressed this issue in United States v. Mejia, 545 F.3d 179 (2d Cir.2008). There, a police officer testified as a gang expert, not only about the structure and activities of the gang to which the defendants allegedly belonged, but about particular facts relating to the defendants' crimes. Mejia, 545 F.3d at 186-87. The officer testified to some information that he learned during custodial interrogation of other members of the same gang. Mejia, 545 F.3d at 188 n. 3, 199.

¶ 31 On appeal, the Second Circuit reversed the convictions because the gang expert's testimony “addressed matters that the average juror could have understood had such factual evidence been introduced” and held that it was not “acceptable to substitute expert testimony for factual evidence of murder in the first instance.” Mejia, 545 F.3d at 195. We excerpt only part of the court's thorough explanation of this problem:

Yet despite the utility of, and need for, [police gang] expertise of this sort, its use must be limited to those issues where sociological knowledge is appropriate. An increasingly thinning line separates the legitimate use of an officer expert to translate esoteric terminology or to explicate an organization's hierarchical structure from the illegitimate and impermissible substitution of expert opinion for factual evidence. If the officer expert strays beyond the bounds of appropriately “expert” matters, that officer becomes, rather than a sociologist describing the inner workings of a closed community, a chronicler of the recent past whose pronouncements on elements of the charged offense serve as shortcuts to proving guilt. As the officer's purported expertise narrows from “organized crime” to “this particular gang,” from the meaning of “capo” [FN15] [FN15. The organized crime slang word “capo”-a captain in a Mafia family-is an example of what an expert officer might properly explain for the jury. Mejia, 545 F.3d at 189.] to the criminality of the defendant, the officer's testimony becomes more central to the case, more corroborative of the fact witnesses, and thus more like a summary of the facts than an aide in understanding them. The officer expert transforms into the hub of the case, displacing the jury by connecting and combining all other testimony and physical evidence into a coherent, discernible, internally consistent picture of the defendant's guilt.

In such instances, it is a little too convenient that the Government has found an individual who is expert on precisely those facts that the Government must prove to secure a guilty verdict-even more so when that expert happens to be one of the Government's own investigators.

Mejia, 545 F.3d at 190-91. Because the officer in Mejia repeated what he heard from others instead of piecing together and analyzing relevant information for himself, the court held that he based part of his expert testimony on inadmissible hearsay and violated the confrontation clause. 545 F.3d at 198-99.

¶ 32 Here, Miller testified in pretrial hearings that he learned information that led him to believe that McDaniel used the name “Tony Guns” by questioning unidentified people, including, but not limited to, Yarbrough's former girl friend and a fellow incarcerated gang member. At trial, none of the people who identified McDaniel as “Tony Guns” testified. Miller simply identified “Tony Guns” as McDaniel. Based on the way Miller obtained the information, his testimony did not require gang expertise. None of the people with firsthand knowledge of this factual evidence testified at trial and none were subject to defense cross-examination.

I'm not so sure there is a good line to be drawn -- either for constitutional purposes or for purposes of the nonconstitutional rules of evidence -- between a gang expert's testimony about the nicknames used by members of a gang and a gang expert's "sociological" testimony about matters such as the command structure of a gang. In what pertinent sense is testimony about matters such as the command structure of some gang not "factual"? (It's no explanation to say that such testimony is about a bigger gang than the gang that is involved in the trial of some specific individual. Presumably testimony about the command structure of "organized crime," the "Sicilian mafia," or whatnot is admissible in such cases only if the trial court believes the testimony may shed light on the activities of the particular gang involved in the case [and on the activities of the specific gang member who is on trial].)

Mush, mush! It's all mush!

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The dynamic evidence page

It's here: the law of evidence on Spindle Law. See also this post and this post.

Thursday, April 29, 2010

Gang Behavior as Evidence of an Individual's Behavior

I have been skimming judicial opinions involving gangs and evidence of gang behavior. Many of these cases -- most of them -- seem to originate in California.

When gang behavior is offered to show an individual's behavior, these cases raise many issues. Among them are:

1. Is a particular set of people a gang or not a gang? By what criteria (if any are explicit) is this classification or judgment made?

2. Is some gang at time T-1 the same or substantially the same as at time T-2? (How does the gang expert know?)

3. Is a branch of some gang in place 1 the same as the branch of the gang in place 2?

3A. Are there substantial variations in the behavior or characteristics of the chapters or subparts of this or that gang?
4. Does a gang in place 1 belong to the same gang that a gang in place 2 does?

5. Is the behavior of members of some gang uniform or substantially uniform? If not, is the behavior of individuals who take the part of particular types of members of the gang -- e.g., the "gang clown" -- uniform or substantially uniform?

6. What evidentiary basis does a "gang expert" (typically a police officer) typically have for saying that such and such a group is a gang or that such-and-such a gang in place 1 and a gang in place 2 are part of the same gang or that members of such and such a gang -- or gangs in general? -- adhere to such and such rituals or have such and such attitudes or have such and such beliefs? Personal observation of gang behavior? Statements made by apparent gang members? Statements made by instructors in police academies? Statements made on the internet (which are or are not vetted for accuracy?)?

The "knowledge base" that is often available to "gang experts" seems to leave a lot of opportunities for urban myths to flourish there. This is not to say that police officers never know nuttin' useful about gang behavior in the neighborhoods in which the police officers prowl. It is to say that it is awfully hard to evaluate the typical gang expert's claim that he or she knows the behavior of such and such a gang and how some individual members of that gang behave, feel, or think.

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The dynamic evidence page

It's here: the law of evidence on Spindle Law. See also this post and this post.