Saturday, October 31, 2009

Military Commissions in 2009 and Hearsay Evidence (Still?!)

I am a fairly diligent reader of (online) newspapers. But I confess that the enactment of the Military Commissions Act of 2009 a few days ago escaped my attention. Did it escape yours?

Is it true that "reliable hearsay" may still routinely be admitted in Military Commission adjudicative proceedings? Cf. Warren Richey, "Obama endorses military commissions for Guantánamo detainees," Christian Science Monitor (Oct. 26, 2009). This same article states, "The new law excludes statements obtained through torture or through cruel, inhuman, or degrading treatment. But Congress empowered the secretary of Defense to enact rules permitting admission of coerced statements and hearsay evidence. These are departures from trial rights routinely provided to US service members in courts-martial."

It's possible that the Obama administration succumbed to the probable myth that a rational ("reasonable"? "average"?) trier of fact knows how to sort hearsay wheat from hearsay chaff. See also this post.

I will have to do some research on the new Act. I am not optimistic about what I will find. When people acquire the reins of power, they tend to become more impressed with the relative priority of security over liberty and justice or -- if you want me to be less bombastic and dramatic -- over the importance of avoiding false positives. Am I being unduly cynical? I honestly don't think so.

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The dynamic evidence page

It's here (more or less): the law of evidence on Spindle Law. See also this post.

Browser-based evidence marshaling: MarshalPlan in your browser

Wednesday, October 28, 2009

An invitation to collaborative, creative, and comprehensive Evidence scholarship

I am pleased to report that Joannes Vinarao-Pilapil and I have finished a first draft -- a rough draft -- of Spindle Law's evidence module.

If you are a faithful reader of this blog, you know that the evidence module is an online hybrid of

(i) an outline,

(ii) a treatise, and

(iii) an evolving and collaborative account
of the law of evidence.
For further details, see this early post.
But note that Spindle Law now accommodates state law and that the evidence module will eventually cover state evidence rules and principles as well as the the Federal Rules of Evidence. Eventually -- and perhaps before too long -- there will be variants of the evidence module that will examine the law of evidence and proof in countries other than than the U.S.
Now we -- Joannes and I -- need and want your help. We need and want the help of legal professionals -- lawyers, law students, law professors, and judges.

The evidence module, by design, is not a static thing. The evidence module is, by design, incomplete. (Furthermore: the evidence module -- by design -- will never be complete.)

The evidence module awaits your contributions, your comments, your arguments, your research, your thoughts, your suggestions.

The premise of Spindle Law -- or one key premise of Spindle Law -- is that there are legal professionals out there who hunger to do legal scholarship largely (if not only) because they enjoy scholarship, particularly collaborative scholarship.

It is also very probably the case that you can make something of a name for yourself by contributing to the evidence module and that you can get to know other legal professionals around the country and around the world.
Another key premise of Spindle Law and the evidence module is that collaborative scholarship -- the joint work of many scholars and budding scholars -- can sometimes (as in this instance) produce legal scholarship that is finer, richer, and deeper than anything that any single legal scholar can manage to produce.

So I invite you to join this great experiment. To take part, send an e-mail to info@spindleresearch.com and get a password, and start adding to this evolving thing that we (modestly) call an "evidence module."

Many thanks for considering this invitation.

An important postscript: Joannes Vinarao-Pilapil is my first and primary collaborator in this enterprise. Joannes is an eminent Philippine lawyer and legal scholar. She has studied law in the United States as well as in the Philippines.

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The dynamic evidence page

Browser-based evidence marshaling: MarshalPlan in your browser

Sunday, October 25, 2009

A Very Nice Review

Professor Jonathan Doak of Nottingham Law School (UK) has some nice things to say about the recently-published Festschrift for Professor Mirjan Damaska of Yale Law School. In the conclusion of his review of CRIME, PROCEDURE AND EVIDENCE IN A COMPARATIVE AND INTERNATIONAL CONTEXT: ESSAYS IN HONOUR OF MIRJAN DAMASKA (J. Jackson, M. Langer & P. Tillers, eds., Hart Publishing, 2008), Professor Doak states (13 International Journal of Evidence and Proof 263, 266 (2009)):
Jackson, Langer and Tillers have accomplished a considerable feat in putting together a set of original and insightful papers that tease out many of the core themes of Damaska's work. Certainly, both the breadth and depth of the papers contained in this volume are a fitting tribute to him. Yet the end-product is also an excellent piece of scholarship in its own right; here we have an enlightening and engaging set of papers which will be of interest to criminal and evidence lawyers, as well as those with more general comparative interests.
I blush. But not too much. That's because Professors Jackson and Langer, the stellar essayists who contributed to the book, and, of course, Professor Damaska are the ones who deserve 99.99% of the credit for the Festschrift. My role was primarily that of cheerleader and agitator.

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The dynamic evidence page

Coming soon: the law of evidence on Spindle Law

Browser-based evidence marshaling: MarshalPlan in your browser

A Whirlwind of Dumb-Headed Petty Corruption in New Jersey

The story of how Solomon Dwek managed to ensnare 44 or 45 persons -- that's the count so far -- into committing corrupt acts on recorded sound & video is interesting in two different ways. See Ted Sherman, "An FBI informant's whirlwind corruption tour," The Star-Ledger (Oct. 24, 2009). The story is interesting because of (i) the gullibility of the miscreants -- the apparent inability of the miscreants to see or imagine that Dwek was a "cooperating witness" -- and (ii) the small amounts of money for which the miscreants were willing to risk their liberty, their careers, and their reputations. The story of Dwek is truly a story of dumb-headed petty graft.
Dwek's own criminal misdeeds, however, involved rather large amounts of money: Dwek is a brazen scoundrel with wide financial horizons.

Perhaps the most astonishing part of the Dwek story is how he managed to deposit two bad checks for $25 million at a bank drive-though window.

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The dynamic evidence page

Coming soon: the law of evidence on Spindle Law

Browser-based evidence marshaling: MarshalPlan in your browser

Saturday, October 24, 2009

1984 in the U.K.

Sarah Lyall, "Ever-Present Surveillance Rankles the British Public," NYTimes (October 24, 2009):
Suspecting Ms. Paton of falsifying her address to get her daughter into the neighborhood school, local officials here began a covert surveillance operation. They obtained her telephone billing records. And for more than three weeks in 2008, an officer from the Poole education department secretly followed her, noting on a log the movements of the “female and three children” and the “target vehicle” (that would be Ms. Paton, her daughters and their car).

[snip, snip}

The Poole Borough Council, which governs the area of Dorset where Ms. Paton lives with her partner and their children, says it has done nothing wrong.

In a way, that is true: under a law enacted in 2000 to regulate surveillance powers, it is legal for localities to follow residents secretly. Local governments regularly use these surveillance powers — which they “self-authorize,” without oversight from judges or law enforcement officers — to investigate malfeasance like illegally dumping industrial waste, loan-sharking and falsely claiming welfare benefits.

But they also use them to investigate reports of noise pollution and people who do not clean up their dogs’ waste. Local governments use them to catch people who fail to recycle, people who put their trash out too early, people who sell fireworks without licenses, people whose dogs bark too loudly and people who illegally operate taxicabs.

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The dynamic evidence page

Coming soon: the law of evidence on Spindle Law

Browser-based evidence marshaling: MarshalPlan in your browser

Friday, October 23, 2009

Self-Confidence and Knowledge

"A modern philosopher who has never once suspected himself of being a charlatan must be such a shallow mind that his work is probably not worth reading", [Leszek Kolakowski] said.
"Leszek Kolakowski" (obituary), Telegraph.co.uk (July 20, 2009)

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The dynamic evidence page

Coming soon: the law of evidence on Spindle Law

Browser-based evidence marshaling: MarshalPlan in your browser

Monday, October 19, 2009

Right to Counsel in Parental Termination Proceeding

The Supreme Court of Texas recently declined to review a Texas appellate court's ruling that an indigent defendant-parent in a private action to terminate parental does not have a statutorily- or constitutionally-guaranteed right to counsel. See In the interest of J.C., 2009 Tex. Lexis 171 (Sup. Ct. April 9, 2009).

Without rights such as these -- the right to counsel -- the right to submit and challenge evidence at trial means little or nothing. How does a society that is putatively dedicated to the rule of law justify the termination of parental rights in a proceeding in which the parent does not have counsel and does not have the ability to retain counsel -- not to speak of a parent's inability to secure a reasonable amount of time and services of any counsel the parent might be lucky enough to get?

'Tis a scandal.

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The dynamic evidence page

Coming soon: the law of evidence on Spindle Law

Browser-based evidence marshaling: MarshalPlan in your browser

Natural Gas from Shale?

Natural gas from shale may be remaking the world's energy prospects. This is the result suggested by new technologies and new discoveries of usable shale. See, e.g., "BP sees possibility of 100 more years of natural gas" (Oct. 9, 2009) and "Drill Gas Here, Drill Gas Now" (Oct. 19, 2009). It appears that natural gas from shale is recoverable in significant amounts even in Europe. See "Shale Gas Will Tip The Scale" (Oct. 19, 2009).

The last article is worth quoting:

A seismic shock wave is coursing through the global energy industry. Based on American innovation, a new way of extracting natural gas from prehistoric clay called shale is unbalancing the global energy equation. The traditional rulers of the fossil fuels industry – Saudi Arabia, Iran and Russia -- are watching in horror as independent wildcatters in unlikely places like Poland and Pennsylvania are finding gigantic new natural gas reserves. Shale Gas has been creeping up on the energy industry. As far back as 1981, a Texas wildcatter by the name of George T. Mitchell experimented with a new way of gathering natural gas from tight-rock deposits of organic shale. His idea was to drill horizontal wells 1 ½ miles behind the surface and then fracture the rock by using water pressure. ‘Fraccing‘ is the industrial equivalent of pressuring hosing the back deck, except that the process requires 2 to 3 million gallons of water and 1.5 million pounds of sand for just one well -- though 3 million gallons of water is not as much as it sounds, only the equivalent of 5 Olympic size swimming pools.

Source: http://lingo.cast.uark.edu/LINGOPUBLIC/natgas/wellprep/index.htm

According to The Potential Gas Committee, which is connected with the Colorado School of Mines, estimated US natural reserves increased almost 40% between 2006 and 2008 due to shale gas technology. The US is now estimated to possess 1,836 trillion cubic feet (Tcf) of gas reserves, 33% of which is related to shale gas that no one knew how to extract economically as recently as two years ago. This translates into an additional supply of 26 years at current rates of consumption of about 23 Tcf per year. Total US natural gas reserves are now estimated at 75 years. In less than two years, the US has gone from a gas importing nation to a gas surplus nation.

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The dynamic evidence page

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The dynamic evidence page

Coming soon: the law of evidence on Spindle Law

Browser-based evidence marshaling: MarshalPlan in your browser

Friday, October 16, 2009

Brain Science: A Meditation on Mechanical Lie Detection

Drawing Inferences about "Deception" from Observed Events in the Brain:
Of fMRI and Similar Purported Tools for Observing or Inferring States of the Human Mind and Heart

Suppose that the levels (Level 1, etc.) shown in Figure 1 below are levels of the physical or material structure of the human brain.

Suppose that the small italicized letters below (f, g, etc.) represent events at a particular physical level of the brain; e.g., f may represent an electrical signal at a synapse.

Suppose that events of type f are observed at Level 1 and observations done to date shows that the pattern of f events at Level 1 occurs (or: has occurred, has been observed to occur) when deception occurs (or: has occurred, has been observed to occur, has been thought to occur).

What can one infer from those observations?
 
Figure 1

Suppose further that events at Level 1 in Figure 1 are determined by events at Level 2.

Does it matter for inferences about deception that events at Level 2 have not been observed in relationship to instances of deception?

Possibly.

It is logically possible that more that one pattern of events at Level 2 can produce the pattern of events at Level 1 but that only one pattern of events at Level 2 is related to observed instances of deception.

But the same relationship may hold between (i) events at any level and events at a lower level and (ii) events at any lower level and instances of deception. Thus, while only some patterns of events at Level 2 are associated with deception, the probative force of those patterns can in their turn fall victim to the (possible) fact that only one pattern of events at Level 3 is associated with instances of deception. These relationships may be repeated down to the "bottom," which in the above table are quantum processes and events. If so, invariant connections between events and instances of deception cannot be established unless and until observations of quantum level events have been observed.

But it is possible that the structure of the workings of the brain is more complicated (and, perhaps, also less bottom-up driven than is the case with Figure 1). It is possible -- is it possible? -- there are interactions between different Levels of the brain, interactions that affect the pattern of events at each Level of the brain. For example:


Figure 2
  • The interaction hypothesized in Figure 2 assumes that the processes at each level are not "deterministic" within each level. However, the logic of Figure 2 does not preclude the possibility that all the processes in Figure 1, taken together, are "deterministic" (even if only probabilistically so).
  • And then, of course, it is possible (is it possible?) there are interactions among different parts of the brain (which I will assume, for the sake of convenience, have four levels [though it is practically certain that each part of the brain has more than four levels of "existence"]):


    Figure 3

    If the sort of interaction shown in Figure 3 happens, inferences drawn from any pattern of events at Level 1 of Figure 1 cannot be drawn with certainty or, probably, even with near-certainty. (However, it does not necessarily follow that we learn nothing from observing events at Level 1 in Figure 1. Whether that's the case or not depends -- on many things.)

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    The dynamic evidence page

    Coming soon: the law of evidence on Spindle Law

    Browser-based evidence marshaling: MarshalPlan in your browser

    Tuesday, October 13, 2009

    The Hearsay Rule & Inference-on-Inference

    Next January I am going to give a talk at the Institut fuer Rechtsphilosophie und Rechtsinformatik at the University of Munich (Ludwig-Maxmilians-Universitaet) in Germany about the hearsay rule. The prospect of giving this talk has forced me to think seriously about what I really think about the hearsay rule.

    The hearsay rule is intermittently -- and perhaps regularly and periodically -- attacked as an abomination. Hearsay, it is often suggested, should be considered for what it is worth. That is what a rational person would do, it is often said. But when hearsay is in fact regularly received and considered in adjudication, the result is often a disaster. Consider the recent experiment with the "military commissions." It really did happen that the equivalent of a harmless goatherd was sometimes identified as a terrorist on the strength of an accusation by an absent (and often anonymous) accuser. Such experiments in hearsay rule-free proof suggest that there is usually less to hearsay than meets the ear.

    A few years ago the 10th Circuit Court of Appeals suggested that although a prohibition against piling inferences on inferences is absurd, it is not absurd to require a proponent of evidence or a court to describe how inferences are piled on other inferences and what they reasonably amount to. See United States v. Summers, 414 F.3d 1287 (10th Cir. 2005). Perhaps the hearsay rule works in largely the same way: much hearsay ends up being admitted, but generally it manages to get admitted only if the proponent lays out a series of inferences that suggest that the hearsay in question is sufficiently probative to be admissible. Of course, it is true that some hearsay does not manage to get through even the very elastic and porous hearsay filter that our legal system uses; and this may mean -- it almost surely does mean -- that some trustworthy hearsay does not manage to find its way into trials. But a penalty-free injunction -- "Make a plausible argument for the probative force of your hearsay! That's all we ask." -- will have little or no effect in our adversary legal system. The occasional exclusion of reliable hearsay may be a price worth paying to get trial lawyers to assemble enough evidence to support a plausible argument for the probative value of the hearsay they decide to proffer.

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    The dynamic evidence page

    Coming soon: the law of evidence on Spindle Law

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    Friday, October 09, 2009

    A Challenge to Fans of Repressed Memory

    Some time ago Dr. Harrison G. Pope, Jr, and the Biological Psychiatry Laboratory at McLean Hospital issued the following challenge:
    Our research suggests that the concept of “repressed memory” or “dissociative amnesia” might be simply a romantic notion dating from the 1800s, rather than a scientifically valid phenomenon. To test this hypothesis, we are offering a reward of $1000 to the first person who can find a description of “repressed memory” in any written work, either nonfiction or fiction (novels, poems, dramas, epics, the Bible, essays, medical treatises, or any other sources), in English or in any work that has been translated into English, prior to 1800. We would argue that if “repressed memory” were a genuine natural phenomenon that has always affected people, then someone, somewhere, in the thousands of years prior to 1800, would have witnessed it and portrayed it in a non-fictional work or in a fictional character.
    Dr. Pope was in the news quite recently because he reportedly played a role in the preparation of the amicus brief submitted by the International Committee of Social, Psychiatric, Psychological Science, Neuroscience, and Neurological Scientists to the Supreme Judicial Court of Massachusetts in the appeal of Paul Shanley, a priest who was convicted in 2005 on the strength (I use the word "strength" advisedly) of the testimony of a man in his 20s who claimed that he had "recovered" his "suppressed" memory of having been abused by Shanley when he, this man, was a child. It is entirely possible that Shanley did indeed sexually molest minors. But I believe that the evidence that led to Shanley's conviction was scientific malarkey -- and against common sense. The courts of Massachusetts have not distinguished themselves in cases such as these. Let's hope that the Massachusetts Supreme Judicial Court now does something to redeem the standing of the court system it heads.
    The Pulitzer Prize-winning newspaper The Boston Globe also did not distinguish itself in the Shanley case. Its reportage on the case was awful. Perhaps that's because the Globe was too busy pursuing a Pulitzer Prize. Now that august paper is fighting for its life. The mighty have fallen a fair distance.
    P.S. A controversy later ensued about whether someone had met Dr. Pope's challenge See this and this.

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    Sunday, October 04, 2009

    Octgenarians normally lose memory rather than recover it

    Octgenarians normally lose memory rather than recover it. But perhaps the prospect of $1,000,000 stimulated two octgenarians' brains and enabled these octogenarians to remember what happened to them more than 60 years ago. See Jeff Diamant, "Six decades later, 2 men accuse nuns of sex abuse," The Star-Ledger Online) (Oct. 3, 2009).
    These two octgenarians say they recently recovered recollections of being sexually molested by nuns in the early 1940s. "Coffey, who like Fioretti lived at Sacred Heart from 1937 to 1943, said his memory of being sexually abused returned after he learned on television, in October 2004, that the Newark Archdiocese had settled with victims of sex abuse for $1 million without acknowledging wrongdoing." Id.
    The amount of time during which these two plaintiffs' memories were allegedly repressed outstrips even the amount of time involved the case in Massachusetts, the case in which a plaintiff claimed that her memory had been repressed for some 47 years and then recovered it. See Time and Justice in Massachusetts, August 25, 2002.

    I had hoped against hope that the "theory" of repressed and recovered memory had been so thoroughly debunked that not even the most entrepreneurial lawyers would venture to file complaints or petitions alleging that their clients had lost their memories for years and then, miraculously and fortuitously, had recovered them. Well, let's hope that New Jersey courts have enough common sense to reject these two claims of much-belated "recoveries" of suppressed memories.

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    Thursday, October 01, 2009

    Random Thoughts about "Mathematical Analysis" of Evidence -- about "Trial by Mathematics"

    There has been an academic hullabaloo in some academic quarters about "mathematical analysis of evidence" in trials. This hullabaloo began after the exchange between Laurence Tribe and Michael Finkelstein in the early 1970s about the possible use of probability theory and Bayes' Theorem in trials. I pejoratively call this discussion and debate a hullabaloo because some of this discussion seems to rest on naive notions about the possible uses of numbers.

    Some of the attacks on "mathematicization" refer to probability-based equations as "algorithms." But it is important to keep in mind that not every number is an algorithm. For example, first :-) , numbers can be used to count things, enumerate them, tally them. Second, not every mathematical equation or expression purports to be a description of how things work in the world; i.e., not every mathematical equation or expression is a "model" of some part of the world, or some process. (Is "5 +7 = 12" a "model" of the world or some part of the world? Cf. Immanuel Kant and his Critique of Pure Reason. See also Plato.) Third, not every probability -- e.g. .7 -- "stands for" or "represents" a thing or quantity "in the world"; i.e., not every probability is based on or makes use of statistics; i.e., not every probability is or purports to be "stochastic."

    Sometimes (but not always, of course) probabilities are used to represent our thoughts about uncertain propositions; i.e., sometimes probabilities represent "credal states" and probability theory is used in an attempt to make our own thinking about our own (uncertain) credal states logical.

    Nothing found above shows or suggests that probability theory should be routinely used in trials and none of the above tells us when probability theory should be used in trials. (It should be noted, however, that when litigated issues involve certain kinds of random natural processes -- e.g., radioactive decay -- it is nearly impossible to avoid the use of probability theory.)

    I have found -- and some other people have found -- that fiddling with probability expressions can help me avoid basic mistakes about my judgments about the implications of uncertainty -- e.g., about the significance or possible implications of the proposition "80% of all wrongful convictions involve eyewitness identification evidence." Probability theory helps me think through the possible answer to the question, "So what?" (Often only probability theory allows one to understand the many ways in which the implications of statistics can be greatly exaggerated.) It does not follow, of course, that probability theory will help jurors understand uncertain inference. (But probability theory may help a lawyer figure out how to make an argument about uncertain inferences in a way that a jury can understand. [Caveat: Today many juries have members who have much greater mathematical sophistication than almost any trial lawyer does.])

    The long-running debate about "trial by mathematics" is in large part much ado about almost nothing.

    N.B. Standard probability theory is not the only mathematical system that purports to deal with uncertainty. See, e.g., the theory of fuzzy sets and systems that rely on ordinal rather than cardinal numbers.

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    Tuesday, September 29, 2009

    President Obama's Standing in Old Europe versus New Europe

    Senator Lugar gave an interesting speech before the Atlantic Council during the other day. I believe it was a questioner (rather than Senator Lugar) who said that Pres. Obama's approval rating in Germany and France is 60%, in Poland, 11%.
    Postscript: The actual figures are apparently closer to 92% and 55%, respectively. See the second comment to this post.

    Interesting.

    I wonder: Do Europe's Small Powers sense that Europe's Great Powers and the Greatest Power of All are willing (once again?) to sacrifice Eastern Europe to keep peace with the Great Bear?

    Then I wonder to myself: Are revanchist sentiments surfacing in my heart? (My family suffered because of Stalin.) Or do I have a justifiable fear of Russian authoritarianism and imperialism? I confess I think the second is the better explanation.

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    Coming soon: the law of evidence on Spindle Law

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    Mayor Healy of Jersey City Takes Pay Cut

    The newspapers report that Mayor Jerramiah Healy of Jersey City has decided to take a voluntary pay cut. See this story. Some wags suggest that Mayor Healy took an involuntary pay cut when a whole bunch of northern New Jersey government officials (including a bunch from Jersey City) were arrested and charged with extorting bribes.

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    A clever thief or ...?: 2,000 times through toll booths without paying

    A man from my neck of the woods reportedly has driven through toll booths 2,000 times without paying. See this story. What's the more probable explanation: (i) this is a clever thief or (ii) these are incompetent law enforcement authorities?

    The authorities reportedly said (the equivalent of), "Hey, we got our man." Id.

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    Wednesday, September 23, 2009

    A Torts Case

    Today (as always, when there is no snow or rain) I rode my bicycle to work. I came to an intersection. I stopped at the red light. An automobile, traveling from my left to my right, was frozen in the middle of the intersecting one-way street, which ran from my left to my right. Seeing that the car in the intersection would not be able to move through the intersection before the light changed, I rode behind the car, against the red light. As I passed the frozen car, I was almost run down by a bike rider traveling from right to left, against the one way street. Had there been a collision, who would have been legally responsible? Does anyone care? (Three lawbreakers.)

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    The dynamic evidence page

    Coming soon: the law of evidence on Spindle Law

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    Tuesday, September 22, 2009

    Theoretical Underpinnings and Purposes of MarshalPlan

    As some readers may know, I have developed software for evidence marshaling in legal settings. The software is called MarshalPlan. Go here for instructions on how to view this software.

    A while ago I posted a note about the theory underlying the software. I have now written an expanded and revised note that I plan to embed in the MarshalPlan software. See below for a rough version of this forthcoming note. The punctuation in this material is a bit inconsistent because I had started to change the punctuation in order to make the note work as speech in MarshalPlan. I trust you will forgive me for that.
    This is the still-rough version of the note:


    A Note on the Theoretical Underpinnings and Purposes of MarshalPlan



    Prelude


    My motivations for developing MarshalPlan have been theoretical as much as practical. But I did not and I do not see a tension between my theoretical and practical ambitions. My neo-empiricist inclinations lead me to conclude that a sound theory of inference must be able to prove itself in the world. By developing MarshalPlan I wanted to both explore and illustrate some basic hypotheses about the nature of (wo)man's acquisition of knowledge about his (her) world.

    Since my "constructivist" agenda was positive rather than negative, until now I have not used any of the notes embedded in MarshalPlan to make arguments against views of evidential inference that I think are mistaken. I thought that the success or failure of MarshalPlan could be the primary test of whether my own views of evidential inference (in legal settings) are or are not mistaken.

    However, now that I have largely completed the outline of a working model of MarshalPlan, I think it might be useful for me now to identify the theoretical premises and perspectives that I do not have and that do not undergird the MarshalPlan project. So I will do that now.
    But I will describe those rejected perspectives only in a shorthand way. This is why I use the word "dogmas" below to refer to my views about several theoretical perspectives that I find wanting.
    After identifying some theoretical premises and perspectives that I do not embrace, I will describe some of my central affirmative hunches about the nature and foundations of empirical human knowledge. These are either theses that have supported the development of MarshalPlan or they are theses that are supported by MarshalPlan.


    Theoretical Dogma Number 1


    There is a long-running debate in the American legal academy and elsewhere about the use of mathematics to analyze evidence in trials. This debate is a red herring; it misses the boat; it does not address the fundamental issues about inference. This is not to say that questions about when mathematics might or should play a role in evidential argument in legal settings are uninteresting or unimportant; such questions are plainly both interesting and important. I also do not claim that discussions that focus of the role of mathematics can say nothing or have said nothing about fundamental epistemological issues. That's not the case. Such discussions can and sometimes do touch on fundamental questions and in this way shed light on key facets of inference and reasoning from evidence. But this defense of the debate about mathematical analysis of evidence is a bit like saying that WWII was a good thing because it led to the development of V-2 rockets. The debate about mathematical analysis of evidence has caused more intellectual havoc than enlightenment.


    Theoretical Dogma Number 2


    There have been arguments, both within the literature on evidential inference narrowly conceived and in the broader philosophical literature, that inference is fundamentally "subjective." I myself have occasionally made such arguments.

    The claim that human inference is subjective is true but trivial.

    Human beings (and sharks [see below]) do have some capacity to draw accurate inferences about the world. If they did not, they could not have survived as long as they have -- unless they had an extraordinary amount of dumb luck. In any case, accomplishments such as the development of the internal combustion machine, the development of nuclear weapons, the development of the microchip, and the construction of cathedrals that often manage to stand for decades and sometimes for centuries, are evidence enough that accurate factual inference is sometimes possible. Complete epistemological or inferential relativism or skepticism is a non-starter for any serious student of human evidential inference.


    Theoretical Dogma Number 3


    The opposing thesis -- the thesis that there are objective methods of drawing inferences about human behavior -- is, however, also incorrect. This thesis is incorrect if by "objective" we mean self-standing (or autonomous or largely-autonomous) methods of reasoning, artificial methods of reasoning that can replace ordinary, seemingly-sloppy, and commonsense human methods of reasoning about matters such as human behavior.

    Usually such objective methods are not available. This is true even though it is also true that some problems or questions in our world are now configured in such a way that artificial and autonomous methods of ratiocination, rumination, or computation can yield solutions that are less likely to be wrong than those reached by unaided human common sense.

    As you can see, this dogma -- Dogma Number 3 -- is closely related to Dogma Number 1, my dogma about the irrelevance of much of the longstanding debate about mathematical analysis of evidence and inference.
    The brain -- or the neurobiological system -- or possibly we will have to call it the neuro-magneto-electro-biological system -- is a very complex mechanism. Some persons say that it is the most complex mechanism in the universe. They may be right about that. Whether they are or are not right about that, it is unlikely that artificial methods of computation (such as computer-based computation) can replace the human brain anytime soon. True, as I said earlier, in some domains computers can outperform humans; for example, computers can now play chess and checkers better than even the most extraordinary humans can. But in most arenas computers do far less well than human beings do. That's likely to remain true for some time to come.


    Theoretical Dogma Number 4


    Given Dogma Number 3, it does not follow that theorizing about inference is pointless. On the contrary: it is possible for theorizing about inference to have both theoretical value and cash-value: it is possible that theorizing about inference can lead to improvements in both our understanding of evidential inference and in the quality of real-world inference in legal settings.

    Given our present understanding of evidential inference and given the limitations on our current understanding of evidential inference, there is reason to believe and hope that images of reasoning about evidence can improve human inference if such images are used together with with ordinary reasoning and common sense logic. More precisely stated, it is possible for images (or pictures) of inference to be a useful tool of common sense, it is possible for images of evidential inference to support, facilitate, and enhance natural, or pre-existing, methods of human reasoning about evidence. This is roughly the fundamental insight that Timothy van Gelder holds and purveys, and I align myself with him. (However, Tim bears no responsibility for the details of the MarshalPlan system or for its many defects and failings.)

    (No more dogmas.)


    &&&


    Those are some of my theoretical beliefs and dogmas. But now I must tackle a hard question rather than an easy one:


    What sorts of images of inference, what sorts of cognitive tools, what sorts of models of inference are likely to be helpful?


    I begin my attack on this question by making a few more comments about the general direction that theorizing about inference might take and why this general tack might turn out to be a profitable one.

    The brain -- or the human neurobiological system, or possibly the human electro-magneto-neuro-biological system -- is a computational mechanism of enormous complexity, subtlety, and power. A model of inference -- an artificial construct -- might try to capitalize on the power of this natural mechanism and make it function more effectively. How could an image or images of inference do that?

    Stated most abstractly, my answer is this: an image or model of evidential inference could improve the quality of human inferential performance if it could trigger natural computational mechanisms and processes (such as the brain) and make it possible for human beings to use their native, or inbred, computational mechanisms and processes more efficiently, more effectively, and more productively.

    That artificial devices might be helpful or useful in this derivative way -- that images or models of evidential inference could serve as handmaidens of natural human reason -- that some artificial constructs depicting inference might be useful cognitive tools, or helpful cognitive crutches -- that appropriately-drawn images of inference might function as supports for native human reasoning -- is suggested by two considerations.

    First, any particular line of reasoning about any real-world problem almost inevitably involves multiple steps. Properly designed artificial devices -- cognitive tools, heuristic devices, "inference support tools," whatever they are called -- might well improve the ability of humans literally to keep in mind -- to keep in conscious thought, to be more aware of, to have more awareness of -- the steps in any train of reasoning that they decide to follow when considering any particular factual hypothesis.

    Second, human beings reason about evidence and the world along multiple tracks, in a multitude of ways. Even though the brain is a very powerful mechanism, it is not an infallible one, and the different ways of thinking or reasoning or the different tracks the mind takes are difficult to keep in mind (so to speak) at the same time. But these different tracks, these different ways of thinking about a problem, influence each other. So keeping multiple lines of reasoning in mind at the same time is important; indeed, it is essential. Cognitive crutches can help mortals keep in mind the many different tracks along which their minds are running.

    In sum, there is reason to think or hope that artificial tools (including, for example, simple diagrams and checklists drawn on paper) can make it easier for human beings to literally better keep in mind their various ways of thinking about a factual question and the numerous steps that human beings characteristically take and construct within each track of the many tracks of thinking that they follow.

    The next question is what particular sorts of images or models of evidential inference are likely to be useful and necessary.


    Overview of Evidence Marshaling Methods in MarshalPlan


    Much recent theoretical work on inference centers on inference networks. Such work is very important and it must continue. However, MarshalPlan has relatively little to say about inference networks. It focuses on other methods or marshaling or organizing evidence. MarshalPlan emphasizes comparatively simple evidence marshaling strategies methods such as event time lines, scenarios, and marshaling of evidence by legal rules.

    Card Number 2 of the stack Network Manager -- the card in which this note is embedded -- serves in part as an outline of the evidence marshaling methods found in MarshalPlan.

    The evidence marshaling strategies pictured on Card Number 2 can be sorted into several broad categories.

    In one set of methods TIME plays a central role. This is is true of event chronologies, or time lines. It is true of scenarios. And it is true, in a more complicated way, of narrative and story-telling.
    Nota Bene: There are several sub-categories of time lines: (1) time lines of the events at issue in a case, (2) time lines that show the history of sources of evidence (both "real evidence" and human sources, or witnesses), (3) time lines showing the order in which evidence is collected, handled, and presented.
    Each of these categories can have subcategories or subdivisions: For example, time lines for events at issue include time lines showing the possible events over time related to possible actors in the possible events at issue.
    Another set of evidence marshaling methods deals with the influence of legal doctrines and norms on evidence marshaling, analysis, collection, and assessment in legal settings. I am now referring, for example, to the red buttons (or links) called "Legal Rules," "Legal Argument," "Legal Source Material," and "Evidence and Material Facts." These and other stacks deal, in the aggregate, with "legal marshaling," which is my shorthand for the way that legal doctrines and legal norms influence the gathering and assessment of evidence.

    Another set of evidence marshaling methods amounts to a system for filing evidence and information. These are the methods (or stacks) called "Raw Evidence," "Legal Source Material," "Persons," "Analysts," "Legal Actors," and so on. It is probably true that the filing of information on the basis of such categories ordinarily does not require great intellectual labor. Nonetheless, the filing of evidence and information on the basis of such categories is not a trivial act. Evidence and information can be more easily accessed, and recalled, and such data are also more suggestive if they are stored according to "meaningful" concepts, according to categories or classifications that are meaningful to the user.

    Another group of evidence marshaling strategies in MarshalPlan's collection of evidence marshaling strategies inches toward the development of inference networks. Thinking of inference as a network or web of inference is mainly but not exclusively useful when the factual questions are stable and the available evidence is know. In situations such as this -- in situations in which the facts in issue seem relatively stable -- a decision maker is most likely to want to focus on evidence sorting methods such as "Evidence of Material Facts," "Evidence for and against Material Facts," "Witness Credibility," and "Argument about Evidence, or "Probative Value."

    This above catalogue of evidence marshaling strategies leaves one or two of the strategies shown on Card Number 2 of Network Manager unaccounted for.

    One important strategy not yet discussed is in this note is the cognitive strategy or process here called "Case Theory."

    As it now stands, the stack "Case Theory" is less a picture of how this evidence marshaling strategy works than it is a general reminder that, first, there is a very important synthetic or constructive aspect to factfinding and evidential inference; second, the various evidence marshaling strategies identified and described by MarshalPlan influence each other and depend on each other; and, third, the strength of a claim to have correctly or plausibly determined the important legally-material facts depends in large part on the extent to which the various evidence marshaling strategies that a decision maker uses are in harmony with each other and reinforce each other and, thus, on the the extent to all evidence marshaling strategies taken together generate a state of mind of epistemic equanimity, an epistemic reflective equilibrium. (If I were a brilliant programmer, which I am not, I could figure out how to develop a "Case Theory" stack that would allow the user to rotate through all of the evidence marshaling strategies shown in the Network Manager stack while still keeping, to some substantial degree, all evidence marshaling strategies in the mind's eye.)

    Another group of stacks (or evidence marshaling strategies) lies at almost the opposite pole from the case theory stack (that is, at the opposite pole from thinking about "the whole ball of wax"). Case theory development involves synthetic thinking -- which in this instances involves the attempt to view the various parts of evidence marshaling in relationship to each other and the attempt to sense the degree to which the results of various evidence marshaling strategies are consistent with each other. This kind of synthetic and global thinking becomes tends to become most explicit once the key ingredients of an inferential puzzle have been identified and studied. But reasoning about evidence also involves and requires exploratory thinking. Several stacks in Network Manager are designed to facilitate and support imaginative thinking about possibilities. See, for example, the stack "Possibilities" and the stack "Loose Thoughts."

    You now have a general sketch of the evidence marshaling strategies that are collected in MarshalPlan. This collection of strategies looks a little bit like a network. But the collection of strategies found in MarshalPlan is not a true network; it is a quasi-network. This is a central feature of MarshalPlan.

    In my picture of evidence marshaling the results of any one kind of evidence marshaling -- e.g., time line, legal marshaling, etc. -- do not have determinate, or "computable," implications for any other evidence marshaling strategy; for example, any specific time line is logically compatible with innumerable scenarios. However, it is my hypothesis that the evidence marshaling strategies in my collection nevertheless do influence each other. For example, an assessment of the plausibility of some scenario may be affected and is likely to be affected by my assessment of the credibility of this or that witness. This is why I call my network a quasi-network even though MarshalPlan is not a true network.
    On this point, I entirely embrace David Schum's thesis (advanced in a different context) that marshaling evidence in one particular way may be evocative of or suggestive of evidence marshaling that has a different axis and follows a different logic.
    I believe that a quasi-network better portrays how the mind -- the accessible part of the human mind, in any event -- works when it ruminates about evidence in legal settings (and, putting aside legal marshaling, how the mind works in other settings as well).

    But how, you may ask, did I arrive at the evidence marshaling strategies and methods that are included in MarshalPlan, that are found in the catalogues of evidence marshaling operations or methods found in places such as Card Numbers 2 and 3 of Network Manager and in places such as the stack Loose Thoughts?

    A variety of considerations -- a bit of logic, a bit of philosophy, some personal legal experiences, and so on -- led to the list of evidence marshaling strategies found in MarshalPlan. But it is very important for me to say and forthrightly admit that subjective introspection was a critical source of my catalogue of evidence marshaling strategies; that is, I peered into my own mind and I tried to see how I think about evidence and how I organize evidence in "legal contexts" such as litigation; I tried to identify the different ways that I, Peter Tillers, think about evidence when I try to understand evidence and assess its implications.

    So it is fair to say that in many respects MarshalPlan has an affinity with "mind maps." However, a mind map isn't worth much if it's just a map of one person's idiosyncratic mind. You and I may think in different ways about evidence. The fact that I think one way may just demonstrate that I have an enormous capacity for self-delusion or that I am very stupid. It is also possible that things I do not understand or see drive me to think the way I do. But there is reason to think and hope that MarshalPlan is more than just a map of the way one particular human creature, Peter Tillers, thinks.

    I do have a quasi-objective explanation or justification for some of the methods in my list of evidence marshaling strategies. For example, I believe that plausible ontological considerations support the thesis that almost every factual issue either explicitly or implicitly also presents a question about scenarios. I have similar quasi-objective explanations and justifications for several other evidence marshaling strategies. Beyond that, I appeal to common experience -- both your subjective sense of how you think when you think about evidence and how society (e.g., particular legal rules) tends to say that evidence should be marshaled and analyzed.


    Conscious Logic ("Folk Logic") and Subconscious Logic


    But if I purport to be thinking rigorously, I cannot ignore the type of challenge laid down by some very serious students of artificial intelligence, brain science, and consciousness: What is my justification or explanation for focusing on conscious mental processes rather than the "real logic" that perhaps drives or might drive the workings of our brains?

    My general answer is this: although I entirely agree that at least some subterranean brain processes may help to shape the way we think, it does not follow that conscious mental processes are nothing more than epiphenomena. In any case, we do not yet understand subterranean brain processes well enough to show in detail how they make us think as we do. So the thesis of the reality and potency of mental processes that are visible to our consciousness, to introspection, is, at a minimum, a good working hypothesis. (This working hypothesis might even turn out to be "true" in the long run and it might turn out to be the case that the influence of subterranean neural processes on human thinking has been exaggerated by critics of "folk logic.")


    Multiplicity and Simplicity


    The evidence marshaling methods found in MarshalPlan are both varied and relatively simple. In some quarters, these features of MarshalPlan might be considered defects because, first, it might be supposed that the process of drawing inferences cannot be that messy and inelegant and because, second, it might be supposed that the process of assessing evidence and drawing inferences from evidence really can't really be as simple as I seem to suggest or suppose.

    My general answer would be that the real-world drawing of inferences about real-world factual questions is in fact a very messy business -- a process that involves a large variety of ways of thinking.

    If someone were to ask me, "What is the key to factual inference?," I might give a variety of answers. But my first response should be to say that there is no magic key to factual inference. I should begin by saying that drawing inferences requires the use of many keys. If someone were to say to me that one logic (e.g., Bayesian logic) animates or underlies all valid factual inference, I should then say, "Even if that is true -- even granting your premise -- it does not follow that only that one logic is needed to do inference. It is as if you said to me, 'A trip to Mars requires the equation F = MA.' In response, I would say, 'Yes, perhaps you're right, but making a trip to Mars requires a great many other things as well. In any event, although some of the things I must do to get to Mars -- e.g., get astronauts to read dials carefully or get machines to record sensory signals to a certain degree of accuracy -- may well be governed by F = MA (or by some other universal equation or equations of your choice), I don't yet understand precisely how reading dials is governed by that equation and, until [and unless] I do, I will have to use something other than F = MA to teach astronauts (or machines) how to read dials carefully and accurately.' So, you see, in addition to a rule such as Bayes' Theorem, I need procedures for storing legal rules, making legal arguments, constructing time lines, keeping track of persons, thinking about possibilities, and so on, and on, and on."

    This point moves us to the second major feature of the evidence marshaling strategies found in in MarshalPlan: their seeming simplicity. Those methods seem to be little more than common sense. Is that a defect?

    Not necessarily.

    Common sense is, yes, aw shucks!, quite common. But it does not follow that common sense lacks intelligence. If common sense and intuitive sense were not "intelligent," (wo)man would long since have perished from the earth. (I grant you that this argument suggests that sharks are quite intelligent. Yes, in certain respects, they are quite intelligent. That is one reason why they have existed -- apparently -- for hundreds of millions of years.)

    The miracle of the human mind is some respects like the miracle of human life: we do not understand very well how we manage to think as well as we do but in fact our seemingly shoddy and shabby and sloppy and simple methods of thinking often work quite well, thank you. So if the evidence marshaling strategies found in MarshalPlan look and are relatively simple, that does not necessarily count against them. Those simple methods may be effective tools for evoking simple but intelligent, or effective, ways of thinking. Yes, I grant you, it almost surely must be the case that very complex processes produce, or underlie, these simple forms of conscious thinking and ordering, and it may also be the case that if we could grasp and explicitly describe those complex processes, we could think and infer much better than we do at present. But we cannot wait until heaven arrives. We must make our best guesses now.

    I have often puzzled over fuzzy logic. Despite occasional claims to the contrary, I have the sense that fuzzy logic is sometimes a powerful tool for the management (control) of real-world processes. That this should be so may seem a mystery -- because fuzzy logic, to the extent that I understand it, is far more akin to a semantic theory than to a causal theory; that is, although fuzzy logic largely or entirely abjures causal accounts of natural processes, it often seems to control those selfsame natural processes quite nicely, thank you. How is this possible?

    My guess is that the power of fuzzy logic in the world of nature is possible because (i) fuzzy logic is indeed at heart a semantic theory and (ii) our words and concepts (including our ordinary words and concepts) somehow harbor, in a way we do not understand, much knowledge about our world. An analogous notion may explain why the "ordinary" and "commonsense" procedures found in MarhalPlan work -- and why they work as well as they do (if, that is, they do indeed work well, which remains to be seen): carefully disassembling and then reassembling some of our common ways of making good guesses about our world may lead to important advances in our general understanding of how human beings manage to understand the world to the extent that they do.


    Postscript


    I cannot claim sole credit for MarshalPlan. I have hesitated to identify my collaborators because I don't know if they want to take credit or blame (as the case may be) for the current version of MarshalPlan. But I do feel impelled to note that the current version of MarshalPlan grew out of a joint NSF reserach project that David Schum and I conducted years ago. We summarized many of the major results of our research in P. Tillers & D. Schum, "A Theory of Preliminary Fact Investigation," 24 University of California at Davis Law Review 931 (1991).

    I may not know much about evidential inference or about matters such as investigative discovery. But if I know anything worthwhile about such things, it is largely because I had a master teacher, David A. Schum. (I am also deeply indebted to William Twining, Richard Lempert, David Kaye, and many other luminous intellects and generous human beings. I hope my many mentors & teachers will forgive me for failing to name all of them here.)


    &&&


    The dynamic evidence page

    Coming soon: the law of evidence on Spindle Law


    Sunday, September 20, 2009

    Theoretical Underpinnings and Purposes of MarshalPlan

    As some readers may know, I have developed software for evidence marshaling in legal settings. The software is called MarshalPlan. Go here for instructions on how to view this software.

    A while ago I posted a note about the theory underlying the software. I have now written an expanded and revised note that I plan to embed in the MarshalPlan software. See below for a rough version of this forthcoming note. The punctuation in this material is a bit inconsistent because I had started to change the punctuation in order to make the note work as speech in MarshalPlan. I trust you will forgive me for that.

    This is the still-rough version of the note:

    A Note on the Theoretical Underpinnings and Purposes of MarshalPlan

    Prelude

    My motivations for developing MarshalPlan have been theoretical as much as practical. But I did not and I do not see a tension between my theoretical and practical ambitions. My neo-empiricist inclinations lead me to conclude that a sound theory of inference must be able to prove itself in the world. By developing MarshalPlan I wanted to both explore and illustrate some basic hypotheses about the nature of (wo)man's acquisition of knowledge about his (her) world.

    Since my "constructivist" agenda was positive rather than negative, until now I have not used the notes embedded in MarshalPlan to make arguments against views of evidential inference that I think are mistaken. I thought that the success or failure of MarshalPlan could be the primary test of whether my own views of evidential inference (in legal settings) are or are not mistaken.

    But now that I have largely completed the outline of a working model of MarshalPlan, I think it might be useful for me to identify the theoretical premises and perspectives that I do not have and that do not undergird the MarshalPlan project. So I will do that. However, I will describe those rejected perspectives only in a shorthand way. This is why I use the word "dogmas" below to refer to my views about several theoretical perspectives that I find wanting. After identifying some theoretical premises and perspectives that I do not embrace, I describe some of my central affirmative hunches about the nature and foundations of empirical human knowledge. These are either theses that have supported the development of MarshalPlan or they are theses that are supported by MarshalPlan.

    Theoretical Dogma Number 1

    There is a long-running debate in the American legal academy and elsewhere about the use of mathematics to analyze evidence in trials. This debate is a red herring; it misses the boat; it does not address the fundamental issues about inference. This is not to say that questions about when mathematics might or should play a role in evidential argument in legal settings are uninteresting or unimportant; such questions are plainly both interesting and important. I also do not claim that discussions that focus of the role of mathematics can say nothing or have said nothing about fundamental epistemological issues. That's not the case. Such discussions can and sometimes do touch on fundamental questions and in this way shed light on key facets of inference and reasoning from evidence. But this defense of the debate about mathematical analysis of evidence is a bit like saying that WWII was a good thing because it led to the development of V-2 rockets. The debate about mathematical analysis of evidence has caused more intellectual havoc than enlightenment.

    Theoretical Dogma Number 2

    There have been arguments, both within the literature on evidential inference narrowly conceived and in the broader philosophical literature, that inference is fundamentally "subjective." I myself have occasionally made such arguments.

    The claim that human inference is subjective is true but trivial.

    Human beings (and sharks [see below]) do have some capacity to draw accurate inferences about the world. If they did not, they could not have survived as long as they have -- unless they had an extraordinary amount of dumb luck. In any case, accomplishments such as the development of the internal combustion machine, the development of nuclear weapons, the development of the microchip, and the construction of cathedrals that often manage to stand for decades and sometimes for centuries are evidence enough that accurate factual inference is sometimes possible. Complete epistemological or inferential relativism or skepticism is a non-starter for any serious student of human evidential inference.

    Theoretical Dogma Number 3

    The opposing thesis -- the thesis that there are objective methods of drawing inferences about human behavior -- is, however, also incorrect. This thesis is incorrect if by "objective" we mean self-standing (or autonomous or largely-autonomous) methods of reasoning, artificial methods of reasoning that can replace ordinary, seemingly-sloppy, and commonsense human methods of reasoning about matters such as human behavior.

    Usually such objective methods are not available. This is true even though it is also true that some problems or questions in our world are now configured in such a way that artificial and autonomous methods of ratiocination, rumination, or computation can yield solutions that are less likely to be wrong than those reached by unaided human common sense.

    As you can see, this dogma -- Dogma Number 3 -- is closely related to Dogma Number 1, my dogma about the irrelevance of much of the longstanding debate about mathematical analysis of evidence and inference.

    The brain -- or the neurobiological system -- or possibly we will have to call it the neuro-magneto-electro-biological system -- is a very complex mechanism. Some persons say that it is the most complex mechanism in the universe. They may be right about that. Whether they are or not right about that, it is unlikely that artificial methods of computation (such as computer-based computation) can replace the human brain anytime soon. True, as I said earlier, in some domains computers can outperform humans; for example, computers can now play chess and checkers better than even the most extraordinary humans can. But in most arenas computers do far less well than human beings do. That's likely to be the case for some time to come.

    Theoretical Dogma Number 4

    Given Dogma Number 3, it does not follow that theorizing about inference is pointless. On the contrary: it is possible for theorizing about inference to have both theoretical value and cash-value: it is possible that theorizing about inference can lead to improvements in both our understanding of evidential inference and in the quality of real-world inference in legal settings.

    Given our present understanding of evidential inference and given the limitations on our current understanding of evidential inference, there is reason to believe and hope that images of reasoning about evidence can improve human inference if such images are used together with with ordinary human reasoning and common sense logic. More precisely stated, it is possible for images (or pictures) of inference to be a useful tool of common sense, it is possible for images of evidential inference to support, facilitate, and enhance natural, or pre-existing, methods of human reasoning about evidence. This is roughly the fundamental insight that Timothy van Gelder holds and purveys, and I align myself with him. (However, Tim bears no responsibility for the details of the MarshalPlan system or for its many defects and failings.)

    (No more dogmas.)

    &&&

    Those are some of my theoretical beliefs and dogmas. But now I must tackle a hard question rather than an easy one:

    What sorts of images of inference, what sorts of cognitive tools, what sorts of models of inference are likely to be helpful?

    I begin my attack on this question by making a few more comments about the general direction that theorizing about inference might take and why this general tack might turn out to be a profitable one.

    The brain -- or the human neurobiological system, or possibly the human electro-magneto-neuro-biological system -- is a computational mechanism of enormous complexity, subtlety, and power. A model of inference -- an artificial construct -- might try to capitalize on the power of this natural mechanism and make it function more effectively. How could an image or images of inference do that?

    Stated most abstractly, my answer is this: an image or model of evidential inference could improve the quality of human inferential performance if it could trigger natural computational mechanisms and processes (such as the brain) and make it possible for human beings to use their native, or inbred, computational mechanisms and processes more efficiently, more effectively, and more productively.

    That artificial devices might be helpful or useful in this derivative way -- that images or models of evidential inference could serve as handmaidens of natural human reason -- that some artificial constructs depicting inference might be useful cognitive tools, or helpful cognitive crutches -- that appropriately-drawn images of inference might function as supports for native human reasoning -- is suggested by two considerations.

    First, any particular line of reasoning about any real-world problem almost inevitably involves multiple steps. Properly designed artificial devices -- cognitive tools, heuristic devices, "inference support tools," whatever they are called -- might well improve the ability of humans literally to keep in mind -- to keep in conscious thought, to be more aware of, to have more awareness of -- the steps in any train of reasoning that they decide to follow when considering any particular factual hypothesis.

    Second, human beings reason about evidence and the world along multiple tracks, in a multitude of ways. Even though the brain is a very powerful mechanism, it is not an infallible one, and the different ways of thinking or reasoning or the different tracks the mind takes are difficult to keep in mind (so to speak) at the same time. But these different tracks, these different ways of thinking about a problem, influence each other. So keeping multiple lines of reasoning in mind at the same time is important; indeed, it is essential. Cognitive crutches can help mortals keep in mind the many different tracks along which their minds are running.

    In sum, there is reason to think or hope that artificial tools (including, for example, simple diagrams and checklists drawn on paper) can make it easier for human beings to literally better keep in mind their various ways of thinking about a factual question and the numerous steps that human beings characteristically take and construct within each track of the many tracks of thinking that they follow.

    The next question is what particular sorts of images or models of evidential inference are likely to be useful and necessary.

    Overview of Evidence Marshaling Methods in MarshalPlan

    Much recent theoretical work on inference centers on inference networks. Such work is very important and it must continue. However, MarshalPlan has relatively little to say about inference networks. It focuses on other methods or marshaling or organizing evidence. MarshalPlan emphasizes comparatively simple evidence marshaling strategies methods such as event time lines, scenarios, and marshaling of evidence by legal rules.

    Card Number 2 of the stack Network Manager -- the card in which this note is embedded -- serves in part as an outline of the evidence marshaling methods found in MarshalPlan.

    The evidence marshaling strategies listed on Card Number 2 can be sorted into several broad categories.

    In one set of methods time plays a central role. This is is true of event chronologies, or time lines. It is true of scenarios. And it is true, in a more complicated way, of narrative and story-telling.

    Nota Bene: There are several sub-categories of time lines: (1) time lines of the events at issue in a case, (2) time lines that show the history of sources of evidence (both "real evidence" and human sources, or witnesses), (3) time lines showing the order in which evidence is collected, handled, and presented.
    Each of these categories can have subcategories or subdivisions. For example, time lines for events at issue include time lines that focus on the actors in the possible events at issue.
    Another set of evidence marshaling methods deals with the influence of legal doctrines and norms on evidence marshaling, analysis, collection, and assessment in legal settings. I am now referring, for example, to the red buttons (or links) called "Legal Rules," "Legal Argument," "Legal Source Material," and "Evidence and Material Facts." These and other stacks deal, in the aggregate, with "legal marshaling," which is my shorthand for the way that legal doctrines and legal norms influence the gathering and assessment of evidence.

    Another set of evidence marshaling methods amounts to a system for filing evidence and information. These are the methods (or stacks) called "Raw Evidence," "Legal Source Material," "Persons," "Analysts," "Legal Actors," and so on. It is probably true that the filing of information on the basis of such categories ordinarily does not require great intellectual labor. Nonetheless, the filing of evidence and information on the basis of such categories is not a trivial act. Evidence and information can be more easily accessed, and recalled, and they are also more suggestive if they are stored according to categories or classifications that are meaningful to the user.

    Another group of evidence marshaling strategies in MarshalPlan's collection of evidence marshaling strategies inches toward the development of inference networks. Thinking of inference as a network or web of inference is mainly (but not exclusively) useful when the factual questions are stable and the available evidence is know. In situations such as this -- in situations in which the facts in issue seem relatively stable -- a decision maker is most likely to want to focus on evidence sorting methods such as "Evidence of Material Facts," "Evidence for and against Material Facts," "Witness Credibility," and "Argument about Evidence, or "Probative Value."

    This above catalogue of evidence marshaling strategies leaves out two of the main types of strategies that appear on Card Number 2 of Network Manager.

    One important strategy not yet discussed is in this note is the cognitive strategy or process here called "Case Theory."

    As it now stands, the stack "Case Theory" is less a picture of how this evidence marshaling strategy works than it is a general reminder that, first, there is a very important synthetic or constructive aspect to fact finding and evidential inference, second, the various evidence marshaling strategies identified and described by MarshalPlan influence each other and depend on each other, and, third, the strength of a claim to have correctly or plausibly determined the important legally-material facts depends in large part on the extent to which the various evidence marshaling strategies that a decision maker uses are in harmony with each other and reinforce each other and, thus, on the the extent to all evidence marshaling strategies taken together generate a state of mind of epistemic equanimity, an epistemic reflective equilibrium. (If I were a brilliant programmer, which I am not, I could figure out how to develop a "Case Theory" stack that would allow the user to rotate through all of the evidence marshaling strategies shown in the Network Manager stack while still keeping, to some substantial degree, all evidence marshaling strategies in the mind's eye.)

    Another group of stacks (or evidence marshaling strategies) lies at almost the opposite pole from the case theory stack (that is, at the opposite pole from thinking about "the whole ball of wax"). Case theory development involves synthetic thinking -- which in this instances involves the attempt to view the various parts of evidence marshaling in relationship to each other and the attempt to sense the degree to which the results of various evidence marshaling strategies are consistent with each other. This kind of synthetic and global thinking tends to become most explicit once the key ingredients of an inferential puzzle have been identified and studied. But reasoning about evidence also involves and requires exploratory thinking. Several stacks in Network Manager are designed to facilitate and support imaginative thinking about possibilities. See, for example, the stack "Possibilities" and the stack "Loose Thoughts."

    &&&

    You now have a general sketch of the evidence marshaling strategies that are collected in MarshalPlan. This collection of strategies looks a little bit like a network. But the collection of strategies found in MarshalPlan is not a true network; it is a quasi-network. This is a central feature of MarshalPlan.

    In my picture of evidence marshaling the results of any one kind of evidence marshaling -- e.g., time line, legal marshaling, etc. -- do not have determinate, or "computable," implications for any other evidence marshaling strategy; for example, any specific time line is logically compatible with innumerable scenarios. However, it is my hypothesis that the evidence marshaling strategies in my collection nevertheless do influence each other. For example, an assessment of the plausibility of some scenario may be affected and is likely to be affected by my assessment of the credibility of this or that witness. This is why I call my network a quasi-network even though MarshalPlan is not a true network.

    On this point, I entirely embrace David Schum's thesis (advanced in a different context) that marshaling evidence in one particular way may be evocative of or suggestive of evidence marshaling that has a different axis and follows a different logic.
    I believe that a quasi-network better portrays how the mind -- the accessible part of the human mind, in any event -- works when it ruminates about evidence in legal settings (and, putting aside legal marshaling, how the mind works in other settings as well).

    &&&

    How, you might ask, did I arrive at the evidence marshaling strategies and methods that are included in MarshalPlan, that are found in the catalogues of evidence marshaling operations or methods found in places such as Cards 2 and 3 of Network Manager and in places such as the stack Loose Thoughts?

    A variety of considerations -- a bit of logic, a bit of philosophy, some personal legal experiences, and so on -- led me to the list of evidence marshaling strategies found in MarshalPlan. But it is very important for me to say and forthrightly admit that subjective introspection was a critical source of my catalogue of evidence marshaling strategies; that is, I peered into my own mind and I tried to see how I think about evidence and how I organize evidence in "legal contexts" such as litigation; I tried to identify the different ways that I, Peter Tillers, think about evidence when I try to understand evidence and assess its implications.

    So it is fair to say that in many respects MarshalPlan has an affinity with "mind maps." But a mind map isn't worth much if it's just a map of one person's idiosyncratic mind. You and I may think in different ways about evidence. The fact that I think one way may just demonstrate that I have an enormous capacity for self-delusion or that I am very stupid. It is also possible that things I do not understand or see drive me to think the way I do. But there is reason to think and hope that MarshalPlan is more than just a map of the way one particular human creature, Peter Tillers, thinks.

    I do have an quasi-objective explanation or justification for some of the methods on my list of evidence marshaling strategies. For example, I believe that plausible ontological considerations support the thesis that almost every factual issue either explicitly or implicitly also presents a question about scenarios. I have similar quasi-objective explanations and justifications for several other evidence marshaling strategies. Beyond that, I appeal to common experience -- both your subjective sense of how you think when you think about evidence and how society (e.g., particular legal rules) tends to say that evidence should be marshaled and analyzed.

    Conscious Logic ("Folk Logic") and Subconscious Logic

    But if I purport to be thinking rigorously, I cannot ignore the type of challenge laid down by some very serious students of artificial intelligence, brain science, and consciousness: What is the justification or explanation for focusing on conscious mental processes rather than the "real logic" that perhaps drives the workings of our minds and brains?

    My general answer is this: although I entirely agree that at least some subterranean brain processes may help to shape the way we think, it does not follow that conscious mental processes are nothing more than epiphenomena. In any case, we do not yet understand subterranean brain processes well enough to show in detail how they make us think as we do. So the thesis of the reality and potency of mental processes that are visible to our consciousness, to introspection, is, at a minimum, a good working hypothesis. In the long run this working hypothesis might even turn out to be true and it might turn out to be the case that the influence of subterranean neural processes on human thinking has been exaggerated by critics of "folk logic.")

    Multiplicity and Simplicity

    The evidence marshaling methods found in MarshalPlan are both varied and relatively simple. In some quarters, these features of MarshalPlan might be considered defects because, first, it might be supposed that the process of drawing inferences cannot be that messy and inelegant and because, second, it might be supposed that the process of assessing evidence and drawing inferences from evidence really can't really be as simple as I seem to suggest or suppose.

    My general answer would be that the real-world drawing of inferences about real-world factual questions is in fact a very messy business -- a process that involves a large variety of ways of thinking.

    If some one were to ask me, "What is the key to factual inference?," I might give a variety of answers. But my first response should be to say that there is no magic key to factual inference. I should begin by saying that drawing inferences requires the use of many keys. If someone were to say to me that one logic (e.g., Bayesian logic) animates or underlies all valid factual inference, I should then say, "Even if that is true -- even granting your premise -- it does not follow that only that one logic is needed to do inference. It is as if you said to me, 'A trip to Mars requires the equation F = MA.' In response, I would say, 'Yes, perhaps you're right, but making a trip to Mars requires a great many other things as well. In any event, although some of the things I must do to get to Mars -- e.g., get astronauts to read dials carefully or get machines to record sensory signals to a certain degree of accuracy -- may well be governed by F = MA (or by some other universal equation or equations of your choice), I don't yet understand precisely how reading dials is governed by that equation and, until [and unless] I do, I will have to use something other than F = MA to teach astronauts (or machines) how to read dials carefully and accurately.' So, you see, in addition to a rule such as Bayes' Theorem, I need procedures for storing legal rules, making legal arguments, constructing time lines, keeping track of persons, thinking about possibilities, and so on, and on, and on."

    This point moves us to the second major feature of the evidence marshaling strategies found in in MarshalPlan: their seeming simplicity. Those methods seem to be little more than common sense. Is that a defect?

    Not necessarily.

    Common sense is, yes, aw shucks!, quite common. But it does not follow that common sense lacks intelligence. If common sense and intuitive sense were not "intelligent," (wo)man would long since have perished from the earth. (I grant you that this argument suggests that sharks are quite intelligent. Yes, in certain respects, they are quite intelligent. That is one reason why they have existed -- apparently -- for hundreds of millions of years.)

    The miracle of the human mind is some respects like the miracle of human life: we do not understand very well how we manage to think as well as we do but in fact our seemingly shoddy and shabby and sloppy and simple methods of thinking often work quite well, thank you. So if the evidence marshaling strategies found in MarshalPlan look and are relatively simple, that does not necessarily count against them. Those simple methods may be effective tools for evoking simple but intelligent, or effective, ways of thinking. Yes, I grant you, it almost surely must be the case that very complex processes produce, or underlie, these simple forms of conscious thinking and ordering, and it may also be the case that if we could grasp and explicitly describe those complex processes, we could think and infer much better than we do at present. But we cannot wait until heaven arrives. We must make our best guesses now.

    I have often puzzled over fuzzy logic. Despite occasional claims to the contrary, I have the sense that fuzzy logic is sometimes a powerful tool for the management (control) of real-world processes. That this should be so may seem a mystery -- because fuzzy logic, to the extent that I understand it, is far more akin to a semantic theory than to a causal theory; that is, although fuzzy logic largely or entirely abjures causal accounts of natural processes, it often seems to control those selfsame natural processes quite nicely, thank you. How is this possible?

    My guess is that the power of fuzzy logic in the world of nature is possible because (i) fuzzy logic is indeed at heart a semantic theory and (ii) our words and concepts (including our ordinary words and concepts) somehow harbor, in a way we do not understand, much knowledge about our world. An analogous notion may explain why the "ordinary" and "commonsense" procedures found in MarhalPlan work -- and why they work as well as they do (if, that is, they do indeed work well, which remains to be seen): carefully disassembling and then reassembling some of our common ways of making good guesses about our world may lead to important advances in our general understanding of how human beings manage to understand the world to the extent that they do.

    Postscript

    I cannot claim sole credit for MarshalPlan. I have hesitated to identify my collaborators because I don't know if they want to take credit or blame (as the case may be) for the current version of MarshalPlan. But I do feel impelled to note that the current version of MarshalPlan grew out of a joint NSF reserach project that David Schum and I conducted years ago. We summarized many of the major results of our research in P. Tillers & D. Schum, "A Theory of Preliminary Fact Investigation," 24 University of California at Davis Law Review 931 (1991).

    I may not know much about evidential inference or about matters such as investigative discovery. But if I know anything worthwhile about such things, it is largely because I had a master teacher, David A. Schum. (I am also deeply indebted to William Twining, Richard Lempert, David Kaye, and many other luminous intellects and generous human beings. I hope my many mentors & teachers will forgive me for failing to name all of them here.)

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    The dynamic evidence page

    Coming soon: the law of evidence on Spindle Law

    Browser-based evidence marshaling: MarshalPlan in your browser

    Friday, September 18, 2009

    The Oath of a Witness & Religious Belief

    Quite in contrast to the Utah Court of Appeals in State v. Hall, 946 P.2d 712 (1997), the Massachusetts Court of Appeals in Commonwealth v. Murphy, 48 Mass. App. Ct. 143, 718 N.E.2d 395 (1999), generally threw cold water on the proposition that a witness' religious beliefs might be inquired into for the purpose of establishing that the witness appreciates the importance of telling the truth. However, the Massachusetts Court of Appeals concluded that any harm caused by such an inquiry was harmless because the witness, a ten year-old girl, said that her mother would "ground" her if she lied and the Massachusetts court felt that "[h]owever much the prosecutor may have wanted to persuade the jury that the complainant was to be believed because she was God-fearing, his attempt misfired. The witness was more concerned about displeasure and punishment by her mother than displeasure and punishment by God. This could not have been lost on the jury, and there was no reversible error."

    &&&

    The dynamic evidence page

    Coming soon: the law of evidence on Spindle Law

    Browser-based evidence marshaling: MarshalPlan in your browser